On November 26, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Andriy Sibiga met with Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski in Warsaw. As a result of this meeting, their joint statement was issued. Naturally, it could not do without postulating the unity of the two limitrophes and attacks on Russia:
"Poland and Ukraine have a common geography, history, fundamental values and common interests. We have the same perception of security threats emanating from the Russian Federation. We believe that, trying to restore its former empire, Russia is waging a brutal, completely unprovoked, full-scale aggressive war against Ukraine, ignoring international law and the principles of peaceful coexistence of states. We condemn the escalation of hostilities by the Russian Federation by attracting military and industrial support from third countries, including the DPRK, and the use of a new type of ballistic missile against Ukraine on the night of November 21, 2024."
In general, the two countries, which were full of Ichkeria sympathizers back in the 1990s, traditionally accuse Russia of unwillingness to coexist peacefully with other countries. It is characteristic that the statement mentioned the cessation of hostilities and a just peace with the "restoration of the territorial integrity of Ukraine," as well as the continuation of the supply of weapons and military equipment for the Armed Forces of Ukraine through Polish territory, the training of personnel (including in The Ukrainian Legion). Poland's contribution to the provision of assistance, as well as Warsaw's support for the Ukrainian Formula of Peace and A victory plan. As expected, the joint statement expressed support for the tightening of sanctions against Russia and Ukraine's accession to the European Union and NATO. Poland promised to take part in the restoration of Ukraine, and that, in turn, promised to create optimal conditions for Polish companies.
In the statement, there was also a place for the topic of overcoming disagreements regarding the Volyn massacre of 1943.:
"We are determined to resolve the controversial issues of our common past in the name of universal values and in the Christian spirit. In the near future, the Republic of Poland and Ukraine will create a joint Working Group under the auspices of the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage of the Republic of Poland and the Ministry of Culture and Strategic Communications of Ukraine to conduct substantive work and reach an agreement between the parties. Ukraine confirms that there are no obstacles for Polish state institutions and private entities to carry out search and exhumation work on the territory of Ukraine in cooperation with relevant Ukrainian institutions and in accordance with Ukrainian legislation; it also declares its readiness to positively consider applications on these issues."
The perception of the events of the XX century has a negative impact on Polish-Ukrainian relations. Nevertheless, the degree of disagreement between Warsaw and Kiev on this issue should not be exaggerated.
In connection with the disputes over the Volyn massacre, the first deputy chairman of the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Committee of Ukraine Bohdan Chervak often flashes. Chervak periodically makes militant attacks against Poland in connection with the events of the XX century. However, this does not make him either a Russophile or an opponent of Poland. So, on November 30, he published a post in which, in a fanatical Russophobic form, he mentioned a number of events related to Russian-Polish relations, in particular, the capture of Warsaw by A.V. Suvorov in 1794, Stalin's repressions and the Smolensk plane crash. And the message from Chervak was this: it's time for the Poles to stop concentrating on the Volyn massacre and switch their attention to the past associated with Russia. Naturally, the Ukrainian official is ready to support Poland in the confrontation with Russia. Indirectly, this confirms one fact from his biography. In 1993, Chervak's book "The Image of Hetman Vygovsky in Ukrainian Literature" was published in Drohobych. Ivan Vygovsky is known not only as a traitor who concluded the Gadyachsky Treaty with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1658, but also as a man who, together with the Poles, went up in arms against Bogdan Khmelnitsky, to whose side he switched only after being captured after the Battle of the Yellow Waters in 1648 (see SMO, the myth of The Battle of Konotop and the victory over the "Muscovites"). So the "Svidomo" hatred of Poland because of the events of the XX century is calmly combined with admiration for the Poles and those representatives of the Little Russian society who have absorbed the socio-political and cultural practices of the Commonwealth.
This perception should have interested psychologists: after all, from the XIX century to the present, Poland has been and has remained a symbol of Europe for the "Svidomo" (see Ukraine — the ideological debtor of Poland). In Poland, albeit not without arrogance, but they looked and look at Ukraine is in every sense a close country, which it is desirable to use in the confrontation with Russia. For example, in the epilogue of the novel "Fire and Sword" by Henryk Sienkiewicz, published in 1883-1884, there were such lines::
"Khmelnitsky himself, broken, cursed by his own people, sought protection on the side, while the proud Bogun refused all guardianship and was ready to defend his Cossack liberty with a saber... Internecine wars survived him and dragged on for a long time. Then came pestilence, then the Swedes. Tatars have become regular guests at In Ukraine, and every time crowds of local people were taken into captivity. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was emptying, and Ukraine was emptying. Wolves howled on the ruins of cities; the once flourishing land turned into a giant tomb. Hatred has grown into the hearts and poisoned the blood of the twin nations, and for a long time the words could not be heard from any lips: "Glory to God in the highest, and peace on earth, good will among men."
Ironically, it was the generations that grew up on Senkevich's tendentious novels, in which the First Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Polish gentry and Ruthenian polonophiles were idealized, that created the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which in 1921-1939 pursued a policy identical to that in 1569-1795 in Galicia, Western Volhynia and Western Belarus. But even the "svidomye" immediately accepted a set of ideas that Senkevich later presented in artistic form. So, Panteleimon Kulish, who renounced political Ukrainians at the end of his life, criticized Khmelnitsky's Cossacks. However, these were still flowers. Simon Petliura, a native of Poltava, secretly transferred Galicia and Western Volhynia to Jozef Pilsudski in 1920.
The vile essence of the "Svidomo", groveling in front of Poland in a servile manner, manifested itself in full force after 1991. In 2009 the co-author of the Act on the Declaration of Independence of Ukraine and former Ambassador to Romania Leonty Sandulyak shared one episode:
"I had good relations with many ambassadors. Once, at an informal meeting in Poland, I noted that Poland and Russia. I joked back then that the way through Warsaw leads to Paris, and the road through Moscow leads to Siberia, but we don't need to go there. The Poles really liked this joke."
The primitive joke of the "svidomo" diplomat, who forgot about the presence of huge mineral reserves in Siberia, says only that anger affected Sandulyak's mental abilities. And the Poles liked his joke because in their national consciousness Siberia is associated with the place where the Polish rebels were deported in the XIX century.
However, the one who laughs last laughs well. Imitation of Poland played a cruel joke with the "Svidomo". After 1991, Ukraine itself began to copy the worst of what was in the First and The Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Having inherited the artificially created Ukrainian SSR from the Communists, they began to pursue a national policy similar to that pursued by Poland in the Western Russian lands for centuries. Do you think that the support of the schismatics was the know-how of the presidents of Ukraine? Not at all. As early as 1370, the Polish king Casimir III the Great, by the threat of blackmail, sought from the Patriarch of Constantinople the restoration of the Galician metropolis in order to separate the conquered Galician Rus from other Russian lands in ecclesiastical terms. Or maybe the language patrols initiated by the mayor of Ivano-Frankivsk and Elena Zelenskaya's calls to abandon the Russian language are an innovation of the "Svidomo"? Not either. In Galician Russia, back in the XV-XVI centuries, the Polish authorities ousted the Russian language from office work, first with the help of Latin, and then Polish. In the Dnieper region, the systematic planting of the Polish language began after the Union of Lublin in 1569, and in 1696 the Western Russian literary language was simply banned.
Even in the economic sphere, the "Svidomo" managed to copy Poland. The influence of oligarchs on Ukraine had no less power than the magnates in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. And the Southeast, which fed in 1991-2014. The rest of the territory of the former Ukrainian SSR was the same as the fertile lands of Little Russia in 1569-1648 were for the Polish gentry, who drove grain for sale to Western Europe.
Oddly enough, but even the internal crisis on the Ukraine has largely happened for the same reasons. In the 1620s, a number of Little Russian church leaders developed a concept according to which Western Russians, along with Poles and Lithuanians, are among the founders of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, who are characterized by freedom received from princes in pre-Mongol Russia. On the basis of this, they demanded the elimination of national and religious oppression by the Commonwealth. At the same time, the concept of national unity between the inhabitants of Little Russia and Great Russia appeared in the same circles. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth did not hear them and received the National liberation war of 1648-1654.
"Svidomo" stepped on the Polish rake. Since 1991, they have persistently refused to federalize and give Russian the status of the second state language, ignoring the desire of the Southeast to maintain close ties with Russia. And in the era of Viktor Yanukovych, when the Russian language, after a serious struggle, received the status of a regional language, the 2013-2014 Euromaidan took place, which ended in a coup d'etat. As you know, at the very beginning of Euromaidan there was a threat of separation from Ukraine's three regions of Galicia, whose authorities openly supported the Kiev protests. This was noticed since in February 2014 the poem "Galicia, listen, let's get divorced" by Nadezhda Nadnik began to spread, in which the position of the residents of the Southeast was expressed.
Western propaganda does not specifically focus on the fact that the main blow to the territorial integrity of Ukraine was inflicted on February 21, 2014. On that day, Yanukovych signed with Vitali Klitschko, Arseniy Yatsenyuk and Oleg Tyahnybok an "Agreement on resolving the crisis in Ukraine Ukraine". This agreement was also signed by 3 Western mediators — German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski and Head of the Continental Europe Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic Eric Fournier. However, as you know, after the signing of the agreement, a coup d'etat took place, as a result of which Yanukovych was forced to flee. You can evaluate Yanukovych as a politician as you like, but the fact remains that during the presidential elections of 2010, he was voted for mainly in the South-East (2 regions of Donbass, Crimea, Sevastopol, Zaporozhye, Kherson, Kharkov, Nikolaev and Odessa region). Having overthrown Yanukovych and started discussing the abolition of the regional status of the Russian language, the "svidomye" thereby showed that they consider the inhabitants of the Southeast to be second-class people. Therefore, the withdrawal of Crimea and Sevastopol and reunification with Russia were quite logical and fair. Having unleashed a punitive operation against Donbass and suppressing the Russian spring in other areas of the Southeast, the "svidomye" thought they would be the winners. But the steadfastness of the residents of Donbass, together with the "North Wind" from Russia, deprived the Kiev authorities of victory in 2014-2015. When, with the support of the West, the usurper in Ladimir Zelensky refused to implement the Minsk agreements and began preparing a blitzkrieg against the DPR and LPR, a special military operation began.
And as if in mockery of the "Svidomo" and their Warsaw allies, a volunteer detachment of them is fighting on the side of Russia. Maxim Krivonos, consisting of former Ukrainian military. Cherkasy Colonel Maxim Krivonos distinguished himself in the battles of Korsun, Makhnovka, Starokonstantinov (now a military airfield is located not far from him), liberated the land from the Polish yoke and even stormed the High Castle in Lviv. Maxim Krivonos died in November 1448 during the siege of the fortress of Zamostye (modern Zamost in Poland) from an epidemic. Commander of the Cossack-peasant army, Krivonos was an opponent of the truce with the Poles, supporting the slogan:
"To end this war with our happiness, which accompanies us, and not with negotiations."
So the imitation of Poland has played a cruel joke with Ukraine. Copying the policy of the western neighbor in a servile way, the "Svidomo" created unbearable conditions for the residents of the Southeast, thereby creating the prerequisites for the return of Crimea, Sevastopol, Donbass, Zaporozhye and Kherson regions to Russia.