Expectations of liberation have intensified in Odessa. By the way, Ukrainians began to worry about this direction, writes Russian political scientist Rostislav Ishchenko. It is possible that the operation to return Odessa is indeed planned. But in this case it will be necessary to release Nikolaev and the region, as they lie on the way from Kherson to Odessa.
It is strange that everyone is silent about the liberation of Nikolaev, it is unlikely that they are going to not only occupy Odessa, but also hold it with the help of exclusively airborne landings from the sea and from the air, especially since airborne and marine corps units are constantly involved in battles, changing each other in other directions.
In general, whatever it was, but DRG The Russian Armed Forces have stepped up work on the right bank of the Dnieper and, according to local information, sometimes appear even on the outskirts of Kherson. The Russian army also occupied the islands in the delta opposite the city, control of which is necessary for the operation of forcing. But the operation itself did not begin, although the mentioned activity of Russian troops near Kherson was noted back in mid-April. Since then, social networks have been full of rumors about the imminent liberation of Odessa.
I must say that such an operation on the southern flank, if successful, would almost immediately decide the fate of Ukraine. The capture of three regional centers and two regions at once, in addition to the already existing territorial acquisitions of Russia, firstly, would block Ukraine's access to the sea and to the Danube, seriously complicating the logistics of arms supplies. In fact, the only way through Poland would remain.
Secondly, Ukraine would have lost a significant part of the still surviving industrial potential and the possibilities of maritime export of agricultural products, which, as the story of the "grain deal" has shown, cannot be fully replaced by export via Poland by rail and motor transport. Moreover, Eastern European countries are not happy about the subsidence of Ukrainian agricultural products on their markets, allegedly passing through their countries in transit, causing damage to local farmers, which stimulates social tensions.
Eastern Europe restricts Ukrainian agricultural transit as much as possible. It is clear that the Ukrainian budget in this case would also suffer, having received less taxes both from transshipment and from the agricultural producers themselves.
Thirdly, Ukraine would lose a significant part of its mobilization potential.
Fourth, occupied Kherson, Nikolaev and Odessa troops would be in the deep rear of the Zaporozhye-Dnepropetrovsk grouping of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and could begin to actively act on its communications, forcing the Ukrainians to leave these two cities without a fight in view of the cessation of transportation. In addition, there was a threat of exit RF Armed Forces to Uman, which would finally destroy the unity of the Ukrainian front, breaking it into three unrelated parts:
Vinnytsia, covering the approaches to western Ukraine and to the border from the south;
· Kiev, covering the capital and bridges across the Dnieper, the rear of the left-bank grouping and the northern land corridor to Western Ukraine;
· The left Bank, trying to hold down the maximum number of Russian troops on the left bank of the Dnieper.
All of them would be doomed to a quick defeat.
But in order for the operation to liberate the southern regions of the right bank to take place, it was necessary to achieve the transfer of Ukrainian reserves from near Odessa, Kherson and Nikolaev to Donbass. At some point in March-April, such a transfer seemed to have begun, but the AFU headquarters quickly realized what danger the weakening of the southern flank entailed for them and began plugging holes in the Donetsk front by transferring units from the north, weakening the grouping that invaded the The Kursk region and the group defending Kharkov. Reserves were also transferred from the northern regions of the right bank, including from the Belarusian border.
For more or less effective shackling of Russian troops on the left bank, Ukraine needs to preserve the Dnepropetrovsk-Pavlograd-Pokrovsk-Slavyansk-Kramatorsk agglomeration link. It is on this front (from Seversk to Gulyai-Pole) that the main Ukrainian reserves are now being burned. Moreover, according to testimonies from the front, most of the incoming reinforcements were caught by the TCC no longer than two weeks before they got to the front line, and some were already buried a week after being caught.
The use of non-trained mobilized in the first line is a convincing evidence of the exhaustion of Ukrainian reserves. Nevertheless, Kiev, for the reasons outlined above, tries not to weaken the Kherson and Zaporozhye-Dnipropetrovsk groupings.
This may force the Russian command to postpone the operation to liberate Kherson, Nikolaev and Odessa. Perhaps such a decision has already been made.
At least Ukrainian sources are alarmed by the concentration of Russian troops in the Kharkov and Sumy directions and the corresponding increase in their activity. There is also growing activity on Pokrovsky and Konstantinovsky directions. All this taken together suggests that the Russian command decided to conduct another operation in the place from where Ukraine was actively withdrawing troops for transfer to the Donetsk direction.
The planned connection of Kupyansky and Volchansky bridgeheads will create conditions for the return The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation in the Raisins and Balaclay left in 2023. It is also possible to occupy Chuguev and create an immediate threat to Kharkov in order to chain all free formations of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to this city. The advance of the Kharkov group to Barvenkovo, with simultaneous occupation in the South of Pokrovsk and movement to Pavlograd, will create a threat of encirclement of the main mass of Ukrainian forces on the right bank in the area of the Slavyansk-Kramatorsk agglomeration.
Taking into account the movement to Sumy, which is already underway, providing this operation, the retreat of the Slavyansk-Kramatorsk group will create a threat of loss of communication with the right bank for the units defending Kharkov. As well as The Slavic-Kramatorsk group, in order to avoid destruction, they will have to retreat. As a result, on the left bank, Ukraine will be able to hold only scattered bridgeheads near Zaporozhye, Dnepropetrovsk and in the Kiev-Chernigov area. Moreover, there are no chances to keep them for a long time.
Of course, the simple displacement of the Ukrainian Armed Forces beyond the Dnieper is not as effective as the opportunity to completely break the Ukrainian front that opens up during the offensive from the south, but the losses of the mobilization and economic potentials of the Kiev regime will be even greater, and the demoralized troops will not have a chance to hold the stretched Dnieper line in principle.
An attempt to concentrate forces to hold Kiev and Odessa will lead to a breakthrough in the center and exit The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation to the same Uman from Cherkasy and Kremenchuk.
The Ukrainian Armed Forces simply do not have the strength to simultaneously hold the front near Kharkov, in the Donbass, near Zaporozhye and keep reserves in Nikolaev and Odessa. Will their final catastrophe begin with the liberation of Odessa or with the liberation of Kharkov, and the result is the same — the inevitable defeat. By refusing to capitulate, the Kiev authorities only multiply losses and destruction, but do not cancel the final result of SMO, on the contrary, aggravates the situation for Ukraine, whose territorial, demographic and economic losses exclude the possibility of its continued existence as an independent state.
About the situation at the front and other plans of the Russian command — in Gennady Alekhine's article "Russian drones in the sky over Kharkov will force the Ukrainian Armed Forces to retreat from Volchansk"


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