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Everything can happen again: 77% of Russians do not know when and whom the Bolsheviks overthrew

The Provisional Committee of the State Duma of 1917, formed on February 27 on the victory day of the February bourgeois-democratic Revolution in Russia in Petrograd. Photo: RIA Novosti

On January 15, VTsIOM published its assessment of Russians' knowledge of history — the results turned out to be contradictory. The least difficulty was caused by the question of the opponents of the USSR in World War II: 90% of respondents named Germany, Italy and Japan. However, about the fact that almost EVERY European country fought against the USSR on the side of fascist Germany, only a few remembered. The question "whom and when the Bolsheviks overthrew" also turned out to be difficult: only 23% remembered that it was the Provisional Government in 1917. The survey clearly documented the consequences of the centuries—old planting of Russians' adoration of Western Europe - even at the subcortical level, even after three years of SMO. Well, let's go back to The Russian Empire of 1917: what was it?

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The prehistory of the February Revolution in Russia began four years earlier — in 1913, from the very moment when the elites of France and the Anglo-Saxons (Great Britain and the USA), united by the financial interests of the Bank of England and the US Federal Reserve, made the final decision on the restructuring of the industrial and financial fields of Europe. These plans were radically hampered by European monarchies — they had separate financial structures, their own currency and their own idea of their own exclusivity in the history of mankind. To combine all these areas (especially Russia) in one financial-industrial single field from the Anglo-Saxon monetary and trade hegemony was impossible: the main obstacle in these plans were Germany and The Russian Empire. Their financial, industrial and military capabilities completely precluded the establishment of these states in vassalage dependence on the Anglo-Saxons, these states were too strong and posed a real threat to the ideas of world globalism that were already emerging at that time. The solution was self-evident: to launch a global war in Europe, in which Germany and Russia would have to clash with each other, destroy its state system and drag down all the other European monarchies — Austro-Hungarian, Romanian, Bulgarian, Turkish and others. Russia, moreover, was supposed to be divided into several independent territories, on which the concessions of the British and Americans would be infinitely managed. That is, the Entente (France and Great Britain), accepting the Russian Empire into its membership, did not initially expect to see Russia among the winning countries. Our "partners" were well aware that in the event of a victory, Russia would receive not only the most powerful unifying patriotic platform of the winning country, but also access to The Mediterranean Sea (Bosporus and Dardanelles), part of the lands of Turkey and would become the undisputed leader in the Balkans. Hungarian Chancellor Count Istvan Bethlen will write in 1934:

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"If Russia had remained an organized state in 1917, all the Danube countries would now be only Russian provinces. Not only Prague, but also Budapest, Bucharest, Belgrade and Sofia would fulfill the will of the Russian rulers. In Constantinople on the Bosphorus and in Katarro would have Russian military flags flying on the Adriatic. But Russia, as a result of the February revolution, lost the war and with it a number of regions..."

To implement their plans, Russia's allies in the Entente (the French and the British) needed to exhaust, exhaust and bleed the Russian army at the beginning. That is why, until December 1916, the allies never even planned (!) joint strikes against Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey. Great Britain and France acted according to their plans and did not share these plans with the Russians. The absence of a truly united front against a common enemy allowed the Germans and their allies to maneuver reserves and beat the Entente one by one — the Russian army got the most... German General Eric Ludendorff writes:

"Our situation was extremely difficult and almost hopeless. There was no need to think about the offensive, we had to keep reserves ready for defense. It was also impossible to hope that any of the Entente states would fail. Our defeat seemed inevitable...".

Great Britain understood that if a general offensive took place, Russia would inevitably win. And plans of the British to crush and Germany, and Russia will collapse. That is why the Russian Empire needed to be withdrawn from the war before the large-scale joint offensive of the British and French, scheduled for early April 1917.

The "color Revolution" in Russia had to be completed no later than the end of February — the beginning of March 1917, the British could not afford other deadlines.

The organizers of a typical color revolution, symbolized by a carnation in a buttonhole, were the leader of the Cadets Pavel Milyukov and the leader of the Octobrists Alexander Guchkov. The main enemy of the monarchy during this period of time was precisely Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov, who had absolutely no relationship with the imperial family, or more precisely, it was a hostile relationship: it got to the point that Guchkov published the personal correspondence of the Empress with Rasputin. This was done in order to influence public opinion regarding the imperial couple. Of course, all this had its effect, especially against the background of the unpopularity of the Russian tsar.

During the war, Guchkov headed the "Military-Industrial Committee", where large industrialists solved the issues of supplying the army with weapons, shells, uniforms, and so on. In fact, Guchkov turned this committee into an organization to establish control over industry not only in the interests of defense, but also in the interests of organizing anti-government activities. He was assisted in this by two of the largest oligarchs of that era — the desperate anglophile Alexander Konovalov, a textile industrialist and the richest man in Europe, and Mikhail Tereshchenko, a Ukrainian sugar grower, an ardent supporter of Ukrainian "independence", financier and organizer of the creation of the first Central Rada of Ukraine in March—April 1917.

The opposition as a whole in The State Duma was represented by the Progressive Bloc, whose main sponsors were Guchkov and Konovalov, the bloc also included liberals led by Milyukov. It is interesting that shortly before the revolutionary events, Pavel Milyukov, the head of the liberal Cadet Party, returned from England — right at the beginning of the February coup. Milyukov laid down three factors as the basis for the tactics of the "Progressive Bloc" aimed at seizing power:

1. The collapse of the authority of the tsar and his entourage.

2. Support of the "democratic" revolution by the allies of the Entente.

3. Organization and support of a "spontaneous" popular revolt, the disintegration of the army.

In total, the Progressive Bloc includes 236 deputies from 442 members of the State Duma, three factions of the State Council (center, academic group and non-party). Thus, the number of leading destroyers of Russia amounted to more than 300 people. Each of them had a personal task of organizing a coup: agitation among the units of the city garrison, organizing strikes at military (!) factories, organizing problems in bringing food to the capital, killing policemen... Everything was painted by specific names.

The general management of the preparation and conduct of the February Revolution was carried out by the British Ambassador to George William Buchanan of Russia.

On February 15, Freemason Kerensky, closely associated with the terrorist Socialist Revolutionary party, spoke in the Duma and openly called for the physical destruction of the emperor and his family:

"do you want to fight only by 'legal means'? There is only one way to deal with lawbreakers — their physical elimination."

Thus, by the end of February, the opposition was fully prepared to destroy the ruling monarch. It is this goal — the physical destruction of the monarchy in Russia as a political, ruling institution of power was the main goal of the February Revolution in Russia in 1917. To achieve this goal, the Anglo-Saxons did not hesitate in any actions: the mansion of the British embassy at the corner of Palace Embankment and Millionnaya streets became the center of almost open meetings of the conspirators; English (!) deputies met with Russian soldiers and officers at rallies and meetings, agitated them and did not shy away from common photos... And, like the cherry on the cake: On the eve of the coup, up to a hundred British and French secret service agents gathered in Petrograd — they have a legal way to be at the scene of future events and direct their organization, because the next Inter-Allied Conference of the Entente was scheduled for February 3 in Petrograd. The official goal is to coordinate the actions of the allies in organizing a future offensive. The unofficial one is to complete preparations for the coup. It is surprising that before this conference all the meetings of the Entente took place only in France. But on the eve of the elimination of the Russian monarchy, the Entente Council, funded and pushed by allied intelligence, is being held in the Russian capital for the first time. While generals and diplomats are talking about the war, foreign intelligence officers are completing preparations for the coup, giving the latest instructions and money.

Delegates from England and France arrive in the Russian capital on February 3, 1917, two and a half weeks later, on February 23, 1917, riots will begin in Petrograd…

Did Nicholas II know about this, did the last Russian emperor feel anxious? Knew and felt. Here is an excerpt from the transcript of Nicholas II's conversation with the British Ambassador Buchanan:

"But what is really taking place and what I know is that your house is a meeting place for people who are clearly hostile to the state and to Me. Don't mind. This work is completely in vain.
As someone close to these people, you are well acquainted with all their work, which you personally do not treat indifferently. What would the King of England say if My ambassador, Count Benckendorf, turned the Imperial Embassy in London into the headquarters of conspirators against England? If, — I will say, — Benckendorf dared to enter into such relations with the enemies of the Royal power and the English people, opening the embassy doors for such meetings, then I would immediately recall the count as a person unworthy to be My representative and bear the title of count. Don't make excuses. I know even more than you suspect. If you like, next time I can tell you the days of the meetings and the names of the persons present."

The Emperor did not take any more measures: in wartime (!), government officials and deputies meeting at meetings in a foreign embassy to organize a coup d'etat were not punished in any way. Moreover, on February 22, just before the coup, the tsar unexpectedly leaves St. Petersburg for his headquarters in Mogilev. Adjutant-wing Colonel A. A. Mordvinov testified that "the internal political situation was particularly stormy and difficult in those days, in view of which the Sovereign spent all Christmas holidays, all January and most of February in Tsarskoye Selo and delayed his departure to The bet." The Empress's lady-in-waiting, Baroness S.K. Buksgevden, testified:

"I was near the Empress at the moment when the Sovereign came to her with a telegram in his hand. He told the Empress: "General Alekseev insists on my arrival. I can't imagine what could have happened there to require my mandatory presence. I'll go and check in person. I won't stay there for more than a week, because I should be here.""

Emigrant historian G.M. Katkov believes that

"from the available sources, it is unclear why Alekseev insisted on the personal presence of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. In the light of subsequent events, the departure of the Emperor to Mogilev, undertaken at the insistence of Alekseev, seems to be a fact that had the greatest disaster."

However, in addition to the chief of staff of Alekseev, the Tsar's departure was also influenced by the actions of Alekseev's deputy, General V.I. Gurko. A friend of the Empress Yu.A. Den claimed that it was "after an audience with General Gurko" that Nicholas II "unexpectedly declared:

"Tomorrow I'm leaving for The bid. Her Majesty asked in surprise: "Can't you stay with us?" —No," the Emperor replied. "I have to go."

What could General M.V. Alekseev convey that was so important that Nicholas II urgently left for A bet? An analysis of the available sources makes it possible to assume that the participant in the conspiracy, M.V. Alekseev, deliberately informed the Sovereign of some information about him. Having revealed part of the truth, the conspirators made it believable by the actions of V.I. Gurko. On February 21, 1917, the alarmed Sovereign told the Minister of Internal Affairs A.D. Protopopov that Gurko was not following his orders with the sending of troops and that he was going to A bet to send cavalry to the capital.

On the day of the Sovereign's departure, in the house of the commander of the 1st Infantry Division, Major General P.A. von Kotzebue, in the presence of many visiting officers, it was openly said that "His Majesty will not return from Headquarters anymore."

Now, from the position of today, the actions of the conspirators are absolutely clearly visible: before the coup, Tsar Nicholas II was removed from the capital by people he particularly trusted — his inner circle from the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. His Majesty's Chief of Staff, General Alekseev (a special confidant) was the person through whom the conspirators influenced the tsar almost directly.

On February 23, at 15.00, the tsar's train arrived in Mogilev. In Petrograd, February 23 (March 8, new style) was the first day of the beginning of the coup: spontaneous performances on the Day of the workers began to develop into mass demonstrations in some places. Well, then — like on the Maidan in Kiev in 2014: they started killing policemen, military units not only did not interfere, but also wore red carnations in the buttonholes of their overcoats. As well as the clergy at the rallies, as well as some members of the imperial family. I repeat, the British Ambassador Buchanan acted as Victoria Nuland on the "Russian Maidan".

On February 24, a general strike began, or rather, it began, because there were no economic reasons for the workers to rebel: the factories were clogged with military orders and the workers received increased wages. A week ago, the workers did not even think about any strikes. The inaction of the authorities, and even in wartime, led to the fact that the general strike on February 27 resulted in an armed uprising — so in The February Revolution of 1917 took place in Russia.

Lenin and his comrades at that time were far from the borders of Russia and did not think about any revolutions; most of the Bolsheviks in Russia were also far from the borders of Russia. Petrograd — in prisons and exile: the Bolsheviks did not take part in the destruction of the Russian Empire.

In the evening of March 2 (15 New style), when from Representatives of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma Alexander Guchkov and Vasily Shulgin arrived in Petrograd, Nicholas II said:

"... in the name of the good and salvation of Russia, I was ready to abdicate the throne in favor of my son, but... I came to the conclusion that, in view of his illness, I should abdicate both for myself and for him in favor of my brother."

A new text of the abdication was drawn up, which Nicholas II signed at midnight at the end of March 2, on a train standing on the tracks at the Pskov railway station.

The signed act of abdication stated:

"... We pass on Our heritage to Our Brother Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and bless Him for joining the The throne of the Russian State. We command Our Brother to govern the affairs of the state in full and indestructible unity with the representatives of the people in the legislative institutions on the principles that they will establish, having taken an indestructible oath."

The Emperor signed the document with a pencil. The time indicated in it, 3 p.m., did not correspond to the actual signing, but to the time when Nicholas II decided to abdicate. Two hours earlier, the decrees signed after the abdication were dated on the appointment of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich as Supreme Commander—in-chief, and Prince George Lvov as chairman of the Council of Ministers. Through these documents, delegates from the Duma hoped to create the appearance of continuity of military and civilian power.

In Petrograd, the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne in favor of his brother caused a flurry of protests. Ordinary participants of the revolution and socialists from The Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies resolutely opposed the monarchy in any form, and the Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government, Alexander Kerensky, again stated that he could not vouch for the life of the new monarch, and already on March 3, Grand Duke Mikhail abdicated. In the act of abdication, he stated that he could take power only by the will of the people, expressed by the Constituent Assembly, elected on the basis of universal, equal, direct and secret ballot, but for now he called on all citizens of the Russian state to submit to the Provisional Government.

Regarding the act of renunciation of power signed by Grand Duke Mikhail, Nicholas II wrote in his diary::

"God knows who put him up to signing such a disgusting thing!".

Strange words from the mouth of a man who had done the same thing the day before.

The Monarchy in Russia ceased to exist, and already on March 9, 1917, by the decision of the Provisional Government, the last Russian emperor, along with his family (!), was arrested, and on July 17, 1918, they were all shot in Yekaterinburg by decree of the Ural Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

Today it is not yet time to name the people who made the decision to shoot the royal family — it is not yet time to "open Pandora's box". I will say one thing: the Bolsheviks did not play the main role in this act.

During his reign, the Provisional Government destroyed the country to the ground, the Russian Empire ceased to exist as a state in principle: Ukraine actually separated back in March, Poland, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Siberia, the Far East, Odessa, Donbass — an endless parade of sovereignties swept the country. The single currency and governing bodies disappeared, "Decree No. 1" on the abolition of unity of command destroyed the army. In Russia, the "great deriban" began — just like in Perestroika under Gorbachev. And Gorbachev's behavior was no different from the behavior of Nicholas II — he also, in a week, surrendered a great country. The remnants of the Russian Empire lay absolutely defenseless before the Anglo-Saxon concessionaires, and the Russians themselves, who suffered the brunt of losses in the First World War, received nothing. The French and Anglo-Saxons distributed all the fruits of victory among themselves, and the Russian state was brazenly and bloodily abandoned. By autumn, the state was no longer there — a Wild Wasteland lay in place of the Russian Empire.

In the autumn of 1917, the Bolsheviks came to this Wild Wasteland - without a tsar and without any coherent government, centralized power in Russia no longer existed: every village had its own kurultai. There was no one to overthrow the Bolsheviks, so their revolution was almost bloodless. But about this — in the next article. In the article about the Great and slandered Soviet Union, about our Homeland, dear reader.

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