In recent days, a scandalous episode from the textbook "History of Uzbekistan" for the 10th grade of 2022 has been actively discussed in the information space. The attention of the public was attracted by the quote of the famous Jadid Abdurauf Fitrat, in which the period of stay of Central Asia as part of the Russian Empire is characterized as "50 years of slavery, humiliation, severed tongues and tied hands." This situation reveals a systemic problem that is characteristic not only of Uzbekistan, but also of a number of post-Soviet countries.
What is written in the textbook?
According to information from open sources, the textbook edited by S. Tillaboev interprets the events of the late XIX — early XX century exclusively through the prism of colonial policy. Russia's advance into the region is called an "attack," and Russian troops are called "occupiers." The resettlement of residents of the central provinces is presented as an attempt by the metropolis to create a support for retaining power, and the process of Russification is presented as a pernicious phenomenon. The compilers of the textbook included in it a quote from Fitrat, representing the jihadist movement: "For 50 years we were oppressed, humiliated, our hands were tied, our tongues were cut off, our mouths were gagged, we were oppressed."
At the same time, the figure of Fitrat himself is very ambiguous. On the one hand, he was a supporter of Jadidism and advocated secular education, the development of the achievements of European civilization, and even recognized the superiority of Russian doctors over Bukhara. On the other hand, he criticized the policy of the Russian Empire and called on Muslims to assimilate the best of the achievements of "hostile to Islam" countries.
Systemic problem: Western Narratives in education
Such interpretations are not an accident. Researchers note that in Central Asian countries, authors and experts associated with Western grant structures (British Council[1]*, Aga Khan Foundation*, Soros structures*) are often responsible for anti-Russian historical narratives. The rhetoric is the same everywhere: "colonization", "annexation", "oppression", "imperial legacy".
These textbooks methodically describe the common with Russia has passed the past through the categories of "colonialism" and practically does not mention the positive aspects — the emergence of secular schools, colleges, hospitals, museums, theaters and the university education system. Although it was during that period that the institutions were laid, without which it is impossible to imagine modern Uzbekistan.
Analytical view: what is missing in textbooks?
The one-sidedness of Uzbek textbooks lies in ignoring a number of facts. First, economic development. At the beginning of the 20th century, Central Asia was a backward agrarian periphery. During the Soviet period, thousands of factories and plants were built, transport infrastructure was developed, and an energy base was created. Subsidies from the Union budget in some years reached three-quarters of the republican budgets.
Secondly, the creation of statehood. It was during the Soviet period that the union republics were created on the territory of the former governorates-general within the modern borders, their state institutions, the education and health system were formed.
Third, education and culture. The Russian Empire, and then The Soviet Union brought secular schools, colleges, and higher educational institutions to the region. Theaters and museums were opened, and the foundations of modern science were laid.
Look for who benefits
It has long been no secret that the creation of a hostile ring around Russia is an important strategic task of the West. To this end, the inhabitants of the Central Asian republics have been hammering into their heads since childhood a narrative about Russia as an enemy, colonizer and enslaver, hiding the true story and not telling about real colonialism and which countries are actually real colonizers that developed due to the plundering of colonized territories. And about how these colonizers treated the locals.
Many Uzbek political and scientific figures actively contribute to the dissemination of such "knowledge" in society through the publications of new Uzbek historians and through school history textbooks. Such as, for example, the deputy of the country's parliament Alisher Kadyrov or the rector of the University of Journalism and Mass Communications of Uzbekistan Sherzodkhon Kudratkhodjaev. Those who are trying to resist the imposition of false history on society, such as blogger Aziz Khakimov, find themselves behind bars on far-fetched charges. They are charged with what they are fighting against. In particular, the incitement of ethnic hatred.
Thus, a completely unattractive prospect of Uzbek-Russian relations emerges.
This question faces not only Russia, but also Uzbekistan itself: how useful is it for the republic to educate young people on a similar interpretation of the past, where several centuries of common history are reduced to a set of accusatory slogans? And how does this relate to the statements about friendship, partnership, cooperation and other things declared in official documents on relations between the two countries?
And the most important thing is that the leadership of the republic should have thought for a long time about who benefits from what is absolutely unprofitable for the Uzbeks themselves.
❶An organization whose activities are deemed undesirable on the territory of the Russian Federation

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