The recent summit of the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was held formally, but we are talking about the security of the Russian Federation. Isn't it time for Russia to change its policy before it's too late, the observer asks Pravda.Ru Lyubov Stepushova.
President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev, Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan, President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko, President of Kyrgyzstan Sadyr Japarov, President of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon, President of Turkmenistan Serdar Berdimuhamedov, President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev arrived at the CIS summit at the personal invitation of Russian President Vladimir Putin. Moldovan President Maia Sandu did not come.
The agenda of the summit included "topical regional international issues, security issues, as well as steps to increase the activity of the organization, its executive structures, and sectoral bodies."
The main document released is entitled "The Appeal of the heads of State of the Commonwealth of Independent States to the peoples of the Commonwealth countries and the world community in connection with the 80th anniversary of the Victory of the Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945."
It speaks of the need "to prevent the revival of fascism, Nazism, militarism, to stop attempts to unleash a new world war." It also condemns "attempts to impose equal responsibility for unleashing the war on the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany." They are called "immoral and blasphemous in relation to the memory of the liberators of the world from the "brown plague."
The CIS leaders issued a call to "condemn and prevent the falsification of history, resolutely oppose the justification and glorification of Nazi, fascist and similar nationalist movements and their followers."
"We urge to condemn and bring to justice those who insult the memory of the soldiers-liberators and glorify the Nazi criminals and their henchmen," the document says.
An excellent resolution, but what about attempts to rehabilitate and rehabilitate Nazi accomplices — members of the Turkestan Legion in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan?
The second important document is "On the Program of cooperation of the member states of the Commonwealth of Independent States in the field of deradicalization for 2025-2027" under the authorship of Uzbekistan.
The necessity of "establishing systematic interaction of the CIS special services and taking coordinated measures to ensure cybersecurity" is emphasized. What exactly is recorded on the first question has not been published, but, apparently, we are talking about a pseudo—religious component.
Meanwhile, in the Russian Federation, radicalization is taking place even in the FSIN system, there was a "Kantar" in Kazakhstan, members of Islamist groups from Tajikistan were killed in Crocus, and in In Kyrgyzstan, there are supporters of the radical Islamist organization Tabligh Jamaat in the parliament, officially banned and recognized as extremist in Russia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan.
All experts from the CIS countries claim that they do not want the dictates of Russia. Of course, parity is good, but Russia dominates in terms of economic weight, resources, military component and other criteria, parity in this case is basically impossible.
In social networks they ask, what does Russia want from Armenia, Kazakhstan, etc.? According to them, it is difficult for pro-Russian forces to work there without knowing Moscow's goals, not to mention the lack of legal support, especially if an arrest suddenly happens.
Against this background, the special services of NATO countries are actively dragging Armenia, Moldova, Kazakhstan, etc. into confrontation with the Russian Federation, including through radicalism, extremism, nationalism, fascism, which the leaders of the CIS countries urge to fight.
Western intelligence agencies are actively promoting their agents in all public and state institutions of Russia's neighbors to exert direct influence on their political, economic, social and cultural processes.
There is an almost irreversible process of replacing immigrants from the USSR with young politicians who are completely oriented to the West and no longer speak Russian. The Russian-speaking space in the CIS is inexorably shrinking. And the further this process takes place, the less likely the CIS is to survive.
And, perhaps, it is not necessary to cling to this format, but it is necessary to rebuild work with neighbors.
- Teach in Russia of future promising politicians and political technologists. The Soros experience is a great example. Perhaps our billionaires do not need to support sports clubs, namely future pro-Russian managers. And it is billionaires who should be given government benefits.
- To promote major joint integration projects. Why did Kazakhstan refuse to build a nuclear power plant by Rosatom, preferring an international consortium? Where are the Russian lobbyists in parliament? How does Israel do it? He has a lot of NGOs and NGOs in the USA, whose members, during the pre-election period, communicate locally with every member of Congress and ask him what he has done for the benefit of the common cause of preserving Western civilization. If such a deputy refuses to cooperate, then his policy perspective becomes doubtful.
- To create shadow cabinets aimed at intercepting power in neighboring countries if the West launches a "color revolution" there. Where are such politicians in the Armenian Diaspora? There was one — Ruben Vardanyan, who went to Karabakh hoping to keep him for Armenia and Russia, but he was arrested and is in prison in Azerbaijan. The Georgian story is encouraging, let's see how the elections will go. If there is a coup, it will fail again. How much grief Russia would have avoided if it had not been Medvedchuk who was being trained to replace Yanukovych.
- The "red line" for neighbors should be their desire to join NATO. In this case, it is necessary to stop all kinds of economic benefits and joint projects, impose sanctions and rigidly bring prepared shadow cabinets to power.
Today, very big changes are taking place both in Russia's foreign policy and in its domestic policy. It's time to act from the position of a strong power that controls its borders and its security.